Venezuelan migrants differ from host populations in several ways. In all four countries, the proportion of migrants of prime working age (25–45) is larger than among hosts, particularly in Chile. In Colombia, households of Venezuelan migrants are significantly larger than those of host communities, while the difference is narrower in Chile, Ecuador, and Peru. Migrants in Colombia report an average of five members per household, while the average household size of hosts is three. In Chile, host and migrant households are small (about three members) and, in Peru and Ecuador, host households are slightly larger than the households of Venezuelan migrants.

In all countries, Venezuelan migrants 18 and older are more educated than their host country peers on average. In Chile and Ecuador, Venezuelan migrants are considerably more likely than the host population to have some tertiary education. However, despite having higher education, most Venezuelan migrants have not certified their academic titles in their host countries due to the lack of required documents and information. This hurdle partly explains why many migrants are employed below their skill level and mostly in the informal sector. Our report suggests creating or simplifying qualification recognition mechanisms, as well as guiding migrants on this process.

 

Venezuelan migrants are more likely to be employed than hosts in all countries except Colombia, where the difference is very small. However, they are often employed below their skill level, limiting the economic benefits of migration. Venezuelan migrants are more likely to work in service and sales than the host population. In the two countries for which wage data were available (Colombia and Peru), they also earn less and there is a significant gender wage gap is observed for both migrants and hosts. In Colombia, the wage gap between Venezuelan men and women is $110. In Peru, it is $154. In both countries, both men and women from host communities earn higher wage income than migrants. In both countries, Venezuelans’ wages increase with education levels, but the differences are not as marked as they are for hosts.

Colombia is the only country in which the employment rate of women is lower for migrants than for hosts, possibly as a result of the presence of larger migrant households in the country. Marital status and household size are negatively correlated with the probability of a migrant being employed. One additional household member for a Venezuelan migrant in Colombia is associated with a decrease of 2.5 percent in monthly wage.

Involuntary migration is often treated as a short-term issue, but migration is rarely temporary. The vast majority of Venezuelans report wanting to stay in the country where they are currently located. That is 96 percent in Colombia, 82 percent in Chile, 76 percent in Peru, and 66 percent in Ecuador. However, social integration is low and mainly limited to religious activity. The share of Venezuelans who report taking part in religious activities is 39% in Ecuador, 11% in Colombia, 8% in Chile, and 7% in Peru.

From 26 to 40% of Venezuelans in Colombia, Chile, Peru, and Ecuador have felt discriminated against. In Colombia and Peru, older migrants (46–65) and migrants in large households tend to face lower levels of discrimination than other migrants. In Colombia, migrants with tertiary level of education tend to report more discrimination than migrants with lower levels of education. The data show that younger and older people hold more prosocial views toward Venezuelan migrants than middle-aged people.

Detailed socioeconomic profiles of Venezuelan migrants and host communities were obtained from recent household surveys of both populations in each country. The methods and timing of the migrant and host surveys were not identical across countries. For Ecuador, the surveys were administered simultaneously by phone. In Chile, the surveys were conducted close in time but through different methods (by phone for migrants and face-to-face for hosts). In Colombia and Peru, the surveys of hosts were conducted a few months before the surveys of migrants, in the context of a robust economic recovery, which may have resulted in less favorable labor outcomes for hosts. In Colombia, the migrant survey was conducted over the phone and the host survey in person. In Peru, both surveys were implemented in person. Phone surveys usually overrepresent educated and wealthier individuals.