The Making of a “Lost Generation”: Child Labor among Syrian Refugees in Turkey

Meltem Dayıoğlu, Murat Güray Kırdar, and İsmet Koç

International Migration Review, Volume 58, Issue 3 (2024)
https://doi.org/10.1177/01979183231171551 

Review

This paper examines the factors contributing to child labor among Syrian refugees in Turkey. By the end of 2018, Turkey hosted 3.6 million Syrian refugees, including 1.6 million children under the age of 18, of which 1.1 million were of school age (5–17 years).

The analysis utilizes data from the Syrian Migrant module (2018 TDHS-S) of the 2018 Turkey Demographic and Health Survey (TDHS), which is representative of the Syrian population in Turkey. The study focuses on a sample of 1,460 children aged 12–17 years. Additionally, the analysis incorporates data from the 2009 Syria Family Health Survey (SFHS) to provide background information on Syrian children prior to the onset of the war, with a sample size of 17,941 children aged 12–17 years. 

The methodology includes a multivariate regression analysis to evaluate the relationship between various individual and household-level factors and the likelihood of children engaging in paid employment. The analysis also explores the heterogeneity of these associations by gender and age groups (12–14 and 15–17 years). 

Main findings: 

  • The incidence of child labor among Syrian refugees is very high among boys. Employment rates for boys aged 12–14 are 19 percent, and for boys aged 15–17, it is 48 percent. In contrast, girls’ employment rates are 5 percent and 9 percent for the same age groups, respectively. The gender employment gap widens with age; for instance, 17-year-old boys are 40 percentage points more likely to work than girls. 
  • Syrian refugee boys are more likely to be employed in Turkey than in Syria at every age. Among 15–17-year-olds, the employment rate is 29 percent for boys and 4 percent for girls in Syria, compared to 48 percent for boys and 9 percent for girls in Turkey. 
  • Syrian boys and girls are less likely to be in school in Turkey than in Syria. School enrolment drops with age in both countries, but the decline is sharper in Turkey, especially for boys. Among 15–17-year-olds, 44 percent of boys and 45 percent of girls attend school in Syria, compared to 16 percent of boys and 25 percent of girls in Turkey. 
  • Refugee children arriving in Turkey after age 8 are more likely to be employed. Age at arrival has little effect on girls, but boys arriving after age 8 are about 13 percentage points more likely to work than those arriving younger. This is likely due to differences in school enrollment; children arriving at or before age 8 show no differences in enrollment compared to native children, while those arriving later often do not enroll or drop out. 
  • Refugee children typically enter the labor market about a year after arrival. They are 12 percentage points less likely to work in their first year of residence compared to later years. This effect is minimal for girls. 
  • Higher household wealth and the education level of the household head are linked to a lower probability of child labor. Children in households where the head has education beyond secondary school are about 10 percentage points less likely to work than those in households where the head has no education. This effect is stronger for younger children, who are 15–17 percentage points less likely to be employed if the household head has above secondary education. The education level of the household head does not significantly impact girls’ employment. 
  • Having children under age 7 in the household is linked to increased paid employment among 12- to 17-year-olds. Each child under age 7 corresponds to a 4-percentage point rise in employment for older children, suggesting that a higher dependency ratio increases the need for older children to work as a coping mechanism. 
  • Having a young or female household head increases the risk of child labor. A household head aged 18–29 significantly raises the likelihood of child labor, especially for girls and younger children. For 12- to 14-year-olds, the employment probability is at least 20 percentage points higher when the household head is under 30. 
  • Children from rural areas in Syria face a higher risk of child labor, with an 8-percentage point greater likelihood of holding a paid job compared to those from provincial centers. This effect is more pronounced for girls. 
  • Native language significantly influences boys’ paid employment but not girls. Arabic-speaking boys are 18–19 percentage points less likely to hold paid jobs than their Turkish-speaking boys. 
  • Children living in more industrial regions of Turkey (Istanbul and Eastern Marmara) have a higher likelihood of employment. Refugee children in these two regions are 20–30 percentage points more likely to be employed.  
  • The presence of a father impacts boys’ employment, while the presence of a mother impacts girls’ employment. Boys are nearly 15 percentage points more likely to work if their fathers are alive, whereas girls are about 7 percentage points more likely to work if their mothers are alive. 
  • Household composition has a greater impact on girls’ employment than on boys. Girls’ employment decreases with the number of adult males and elderly individuals in the household.  
  • The presence of elderly household members negatively impacts the paid employment of younger children but not older children. For older children, the key factor influencing employment probability is whether the father is alive, which is associated with a 20-percentage point increase in their likelihood of being employed. 
  • The determinants of paid employment in Turkey and Syria are broadly similar. However, a notable difference is the significantly stronger negative impact of household head education on children’s employment probability in pre-war Syria compared to Turkey. This disparity is likely due to the challenges adult Syrians face in accessing the formal labor market and having their credentials recognized in Turkey, which diminishes their ability to protect their children from entering the labor force. 

The study concludes that Syrian refugee children in Turkey face a significant risk of child labor due to poverty, school integration challenges, and the availability of informal job opportunities. To prevent a “lost generation”, the authors recommend improving the labor market status of refugee adults, targeting social safety net programs based on characteristics associated with child labor, developing special schooling programs for older children, and expanding vocational training programs.